The Complexities of Cosmetics

            The application of makeup is an integral part of the beautification process for the vast majority of women in America. There are, however, certain women – small subcultures within the female gender, if you will – that dedicate very little time, if any, to the process. Why is there such discrepancy as far as makeup use is concerned, you ask? With the help of a handful of sociological concepts – Goffman’s dramaturgical theory, our viewing of the strange in the familiar, and the role that media plays in shaping cultural norms – this analysis aims to answer just that. To narrow our search, we have decided to break our evaluations down into three subcultures amongst females – professionals, college students and teens, and toddlers, all of whom were asked informal questions revolving around the beautification process and what it means to them. In short, the work brought forth by a few sociologists and the responses that our interviews elicited coalesce together to better our understanding of the complexities associated with cultural norms amongst women.

            For most professional women, makeup is absolutely essential; they are seldom seen without it in the workplace. When asked why she wears makeup, our first participant – a middle-aged administrative assistant – claimed that she wears makeup to enhance her looks by concealing blemishes. In addition, she said that it has become an integral part of her daily routine when preparing for work – “I’ve been doing it for thirty years.” This statement correlates nicely with the findings of Kirsten Dellinger and Christine Williams, whose in-depth study of women’s makeup use reveals that women who reported using makeup on a daily basis “do not consciously think about their use of cosmetics. They suggest that it becomes ‘a habit’” (Dellinger & Williams). When asked how often she wears makeup, our second participant – a 35-year-old entrepreneur who owns a fashion boutique – responded with, “Everyday; I never leave the house without it.” In response to our asking why she thinks most women wear makeup, the same participant claimed that “women wear makeup because society pressures [them] to do so.” In essence, it is suggested that wearing makeup is an expectation to which women in contemporary society are held. Perhaps, then, women in the professional world wear makeup in an effort to fulfill their role within the context of society. According to Goffman’s dramaturgical theory, social life is “a theatrical performance in which we are all actors on metaphorical stages, with roles, scripts, costumes, and sets” (Conley 131). Take our second participant, for example. As the owner of a fashion boutique, the 35-year-old entrepreneur deems it necessary to “dress to impress,” so to speak. This mentality makes perfect sense, seeing as most members of society would expect individuals whose careers revolve around the fashion industry to be, simply put, fashionable. Goffman also suggests that “we can transition in and out of roles with a certain amount of ease,” which explains why our first participant emphasized her tendency to go to places like a grocery store – a setting in which it is less important to maintain a sense of professionalism – without makeup.

            Goffman’s dramaturgical theory seems to play a rather significant role in the lives of women in our second subculture – college students and teenagers – as well. For college students, makeup is just one more thing that gets in the way of making it to class on time. In college, makeup is not a necessity – professors do not demand that female students wear makeup and most other college students are too busy with their own academic endeavors to notice one’s lack of cosmetics. One participant said that she is “up too late studying every night to worry about waking up twenty minutes earlier to apply makeup.” Weekend life for college students, however, is an entirely different story. When it comes time to leave campus and venture out into the city, makeup once again becomes an essential element of a woman’s ensemble. When asked about her weekend makeup use, one participant said that “the thought of going downtown without makeup is really, really scary.” The dynamic shift in mentality that most college students experience when engaging in the social scene as opposed to the academic one further illustrates our ability to shift roles with relative ease. Unlike college students, most teenagers – particularly those in middle school and high school – uphold their cosmeticized roles throughout the school day as well. When asked why they wear makeup to school, many participants suggested that wearing makeup “is necessary to fit in,” and that seeing a fellow student “without makeup is really surprising.” Teenagers, too, are more than capable of assuming various roles when the occasion deems it necessary. For example, multiple participants claimed that they “never wear makeup to soccer practice because soccer isn’t about looking pretty.” That being said, it is extremely evident that one’s environment plays a significant role in dictating the use of makeup; or, in some cases, the lack thereof. According to the findings elicited by our interviews, another popular motive behind teenagers’ use of makeup is the belief that wearing makeup shows signs of maturity; a concept that serves as an excellent segue into our next subculture – toddlers.

            While the concept of toddlers applying makeup may have seemed far-fetched in the past, it isn’t that absurd of an act in contemporary society. Makeup rituals have found a home in the lives of young toddlers who aspire to be just like their mothers. Little girls find it fun to dress up and put on their mothers’ makeup; hence, more and more young girls show up to school with bright eye shadow and vibrantly colored lips. One participant – a five-year-old in elementary school – claimed that she likes to wear makeup “because [her] mommy wears it, and [her] mommy is beautiful.” Often, toddlers beg and plead for their mothers to allow them to start wearing makeup in an effort to look older.  For younger girls, makeup serves as a sort of rite of passage into adulthood, or as a sign of maturity. In addition to idolizing their mothers, young toddlers’ infatuation with cosmetics also stems from various media outlets and the ways in which they convey makeup use. For example, TLC’s hit television series “Toddlers & Tiaras” features young girls whose lives revolve around beauty pageants. “On any given weekend, on stages across the country, little girls…parade around wearing makeup, false eyelashes, spray tans and fake hair to be judged on their beauty, personality and costumes” (“About Toddlers and Tiaras”). In essence, beauty pageants geared toward young girls serve as a mechanism by which the supposed maturation of younger generations is expedited. The rules and regulations found on the homepage of virtually every beauty pageant’s website emphasize the importance that the industry places upon “beauty,” which is based off of a multitude of detailed criterion. While American culture has arguably always considered beauty to be of significant importance, the individual characteristics that constitute beauty have undergone drastic change. In other words, our values – in this case, beauty – have remained constant, while cultural norms – “how values tell us to behave” – have been subjected to innumerable amendments (Conley 87). In addition to television, other media outlets – magazines, celebrities, advertisements, etc. – have proven to define the cultural norms that often shape the behavior of members of society.

            Needless to say, the beautification process – specifically the application of makeup – is deeply engrained in American culture. As is illustrated by the in-depth analyses above, women’s use of cosmetics falls entirely within the realm of normality. Is this the case universally, though? Absolutely not. In some countries – the Netherlands, for example – it is uncommon for women to engage in the application of makeup. There are even slight discrepancies amongst countries that do condone the use of makeup. For example, African tribal makeup is very different from the makeup that American women use. In addition, it is not uncommon to see African men wearing makeup. In fact, “hundreds of men paint their faces to accentuate the whiteness of their eyes and teeth” during tribal ceremonies (“Tribes and Tribulations”). Just as we consider the concept of males applying makeup to be rather odd, members of particular African tribes may be surprised by the type of makeup that American women apply. This concept – the unveiling of the strange in the familiar – can be generalized to virtually any and all behavior. Unfortunately, our lack of familiarity often limits our ability to view the strange in the familiar. According to the assertions made by Horace Miner in Body Ritual Among the Nacirema, as we become more “familiar with the diversity of ways in which different peoples behave in similar situations,” we will not be as easily surprised “by even the most exotic customs” (Miner 77). It’s odd how something as familiar to American women as the application of makeup can be interpreted by others as such a strange act, isn’t it? As so clearly illustrated by the variation within American subcultures and between American culture and that of other countries, social norms are not universal; context matters.

            Why, then, do women wear makeup? Needless to say, the answer is everything but cut and dry. It is evident that Goffman’s dramaturgical theory has a significant influence on women’s cosmetic rituals by forcing them to assume certain roles. Another factor in determining females’ cosmetic tendencies – particularly those of younger females – is the emphasis that various media outlets place upon the importance of beauty, which is often achieved by the application of makeup. It is also evident that social norms – the expectations to which one is held by society – play a large role in dictating one’s behavior. Simply put, this suggests that we, as human beings, are little more than mere products of our environment. As is illustrated by the findings of Goffman, Miner, and Dellinger and Williams, as well as by participants’ responses to our interview questions, the beautification process – specifically the use of cosmetics – is an extremely complex social construct that is influenced by a plethora of external forces. Moreover, the different variations of women’s cosmetic rituals afford us tremendous insight, and thus better our understanding of behaviors that, in essence, define any given society’s overarching concept of culture.

References:
"About Toddlers & Tiaras." TLC. Web. 14 Nov. 2012. <http://tlc.howstuffworks.com/tv/toddlers-tiaras/about-toddlers-and-tiaras.htm>.

Conley, Dalton. You May Ask Yourself: An Introduction to Thinking Like a Sociologist. New York: W.W. Norton &, 2011. Print.

Dellinger, Kirsten, and Christine L. Williams. "Makeup at Work: Negotiating Appearance Rules in the Workplace." Gender and Society 11.2 (1997): 151-77. Print.

Miner, Horace. "Body Ritual Among the Nacirema." The Practical Skeptic (2006): Print.

"Tribes and Tribulations." The Telegraph. Telegraph Media Group, 27 July 2002. Web. 14 Nov. 2012. <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/travel/724774/Tribes-and-tribulations.html>.